What Are The Implications Of The Minimalist Program's Notion Of Merge Versus The Government And Binding Theory's Concept Of Move Alpha On The Analysis Of A'-movement In Subordinate Clauses, Particularly In Relation To The Licensing Of Extraposed Clauses In English?

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The shift from Government and Binding (GB) theory to the Minimalist Program (MP) significantly alters the analysis of A'-movement and the licensing of extraposed clauses in English. Here's a structured summary of the implications:

Government and Binding (GB) Theory:

  • Movement Operation: Utilizes "move alpha" to move phrases, such as wh-phrases, to specific positions (e.g., specifier of CP). This movement is constrained by modules like the Empty Category Principle (ECP), ensuring proper government of traces.
  • A'-Movement: Involves moving elements to non-argument positions, adhering to constraints like Subjacency and the ECP.
  • Extraposed Clauses: Often analyzed as involving movement, with licensing dependent on proper government and antecedent-trace relations.

Minimalist Program (MP):

  • Merge Operation: Replaces move alpha with "merge," combining syntactic objects. Movement is a byproduct of internal merge, driven by feature checking (e.g., wh-feature in CP).
  • A'-Movement: Driven by economy principles, movement occurs only when necessary for feature satisfaction. The notion of phases may influence accessibility for movement.
  • Extraposed Clauses: Prefer base-generation in their surface position due to the principle of minimal computation, avoiding unnecessary movement. Licensing focuses on satisfying interface conditions at PF and LF.

Implications:

  • Simplification in MP: MP's emphasis on economy and minimal operations suggests that extraposed clauses are licensed without movement, simplifying derivations.
  • Empirical Considerations: Differences in handling extraction phenomena and fronting of extraposed clauses may provide insights into the theories' explanatory power.
  • Theoretical Shift: MP's focus on base-generation and feature-driven operations contrasts with GB's reliance on movement and constraints, offering a more streamlined approach to syntax.

In conclusion, the MP's merge operation provides a more economical explanation for extraposed clauses, potentially eliminating the need for movement, whereas GB's move alpha relies on a set of constraints to license such structures. This theoretical shift reflects broader differences in syntactic theory and analysis.